He has entered the annals of American historiography as perhaps the quintessential economic-school historian. Charles Beard was an American historian active in the decades prior to World War II. Beard's last two books were By the 1950s, Beard's economic interpretation of history had fallen out of favor; only a few prominent historians held to his view of In about 1950, however, historians started to argue that the progressive interpretation was factually incorrect because the voters had not really been polarized along two economic lines. It contradicted the Whig consensus that the Founding Fathers were brilliant and benevolent political leaders, who gave their time and talents to craft an innovative new system for the public good.
He concluded that the drafters of the constitution were men of a distinct elite class, therefore their actions and ideas reflected both their economic worldview and their own self-interest. He moved from the history department to the department of public law and then to a new chair in politics and government.
The son of a farmer, Beard was born and educated in rural Indiana. Unsurprisingly, Beard was subjected to criticism and vitriol for his revisionism. Solicitude for the Freedman had little to do with northern policies. One of the most influential American historians of his time, Beard is most remembered for his studies into the motives of the Founding Fathers.
The overwhelming majority of members were, to a greater or less extent, economic beneficiaries from the adoption of the Constitution.”“Most of our history has been written by Federalists [so] great care should be taken in accepting, without reserve, the gloomy pictures [they paint] of the social conditions prevailing under the Articles of Confederation.”“The movement for the Constitution of the United States was originated and carried through principally by four groups of personalty [property] interests which had been adversely affected under the Articles of Confederation: money, public securities, manufactures, and trade and shipping.”“The members of the Philadelphia Convention which drafted the Constitution were, with a few exceptions, immediately, directly and personally interested in, and derived economic advantages from, the establishment of a new system.”“The Constitution was essentially an economic document based upon the concept that the fundamental private rights of property are anterior [in front of] government and morally beyond the reach of popular majorities.”“The Constitution was not created by the ‘whole people’, as the jurists have said… but it was the work of a consolidated group whose interests knew no state boundaries and were truly national in scope.”“The leaders who supported the Constitution in the ratifying conventions represented the same economic groups as the members of the Philadelphia Convention.”American Revolution contains articles, sources and perspectives on events in America between 1763 and 1789.
Charles Beard.
He was active in the He continued to press that position after the World War II. He remained at Columbia until his resignation in 1917, citing differences of opinion with university leaders. 'We historians are all about the Beard.' He obtained a bachelor’s degree in his home state before studying at Oxford and Columbia University, earning his doctorate in 1904. Opposition to British policy, hitherto local and spasmodic, now took on a national character. Living on lucrative Beard had parallel careers as an historian and political scientist. By acting in accordance with their own interests, he argued, the drafters of the Constitution were also acting in the national interest (in Beard’s words, “the bee fertilises the flower it robs”).“The hypothesis that economic elements are the chief factors in the development of political institutions has been used in one or two serious works… but not been applied to the study of American history at large.”“Large and important groups of economic interests were adversely affected by the system of government under the Articles of Confederation – namely those of public securities, shipping and manufacturing, money at interest – in short capital, as opposed to land.”“Not one member [of the Constitutional Convention] represented the small farming or mechanic classes. An entire generation of academics were groomed to believe this.
One writer called him “the mightiest muckraker of them all. Bernard Bailyn rescued our remembrance of the American Revolution from the cynical hands of so-called Progressive historians, primarily Charles Beard and his acolytes. Along with Yale University historian Edmund S. Morgan and other contemporaries, he challenged the theory of Charles A. The son of a farmer, Beard was born and educated in rural Indiana. Beard did not go as far as suggesting the Constitution was a ‘counter-revolution’ or an elitist conspiracy, as subsequent historians like Howard Zinn have done – but he claimed the ideas and motives of the Constitutional Convention were shaped by the economic situation of its individual members. The Fourteenth Amendment, which gave the Negro his citizenship, Beard found significant primarily as a result of a conspiracy of a few legislative draftsman friendly to corporations to use the supposed elevation of the blacks as a cover for a fundamental law giving strong protection to business corporations against regulation by state government.Mary Beard, The Making of Charles A.
Beard remained at Columbia as a lecturer while researching and writing prolifically.
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